Editorials
Clear & Distinct
Background:
Assembly
polls conducted in three states and one union territory i.e. the states which
went to elections were West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Assam and Puducherry. The
election results are out despite the ongoing health crisis of COVID-19.
·
Elections
present an opportunity for political change and also continuity what is seen
from the results is Assam, West
Bengal and Kerala have voted for the incumbents, while Tamil Nadu and
Puducherry have voted for change.
·
There
is no one theme that can explain how the voters responded to the myriad
political choices before them. Major national ruling party was able to
sweep victory in Assam but unable to garner enough support in other
states like Kerela, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal.
·
What’s
evident from the election results that the leaders of the regional parties
offered “ideological alternative” to
the major political party ruling at centre. The results have exposed more
chinks in its armour, while regional parties offered robust resistance to the
ruling party at centre.
West Bengal
·
In
West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee mobilised “Bengali
subnationalism” that
stopped the ruling party’s victory. With the Left and the Congress nearly
obliterated, the BJP is now a force to reckon with in the State.
·
West
Bengal is staring at an explosion in COVID19 infections, and Ms. Banerjee has
her task cut out, entering into her third term as Chief Minister. What’s needed
is taking serious note of the public resentment against the Trinamool
party rather than read this victory as public approval of its highhandedness
and corruption. The style and substance of the Trinamool’s politics and
governance must change for the better.
Assam
In Assam, the central ruling party reaped the
benefits of its government’s proactive measures to provide relief to people
badly impacted by the lockdown last year, and of a slew of welfare schemes.
While the opposition partnership failed to live up to its promise. As the
party’s key strategist in the victory, Finance Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma
will likely make a claim for the top post,and the ruling party will have an
internal power tussle to handle.
Tamil
Nadu
Mr. Stalin led the DMK to power in Tamil Nadu
after a hiatus of 10 years. With his son also now MLA.This victory is not aided
by any strident public resentment against the AIADMK government, and therefore
can be considered a positive verdict in his favour. Moreover, the results also
prove the resilience of Dravidian politics, modified to new challenges.
·
AIADMK
is in the Opposition,
and its leadership still in a flux, it will have to
adapt to survive. There are other aspirants at play, and outgoing Chief
Minister Edappadi K. Palaniswami might have to again beat off challenges from
within the party to his leadership.
Kerala
·
In
Kerala, the second consecutive victory of the Left Democratic Front led by the
CPI(M)
marks a departure from the antiincumbency verdicts
since the 1980s. With weak opposition this was an easy victory for the ruling
party of the state. But victory was aided by other factors like mixture of
political acumen and administrative measures. Management of two major floods and
pandemic with considerable efficiency,and daring moves in social
engineering brought the victory.
·
All
that paid rich dividends for, but the path ahead is going to be tougher as
Kerala faces
a fresh surge in COVID19 infections. Finances are also
challenging for the State. Mr. Vijayan’s complete command over the party has
eclipsed other leaders, a situation that can turn out to be a crisis in the
future.
Conclusion
These
results also hold some messages for national politics. Congress had lost Assam
and Kerela where it had considerable chances to win. Major ruling central party
failed to woo muslim voters thus lost the lone seat it had in Kerela. The
notion that there can be a nationalist straitjacket into which the diversity of
India will fit is irresponsible. They must consider a softer pursuit of power.
The Left tasted historic victory in Kerala but faces extinction in Bengal.
Ruling party at centre might have lost more than it won, but Sunday’s verdicts
are no indication that a nationallevel alternative to it is in the making.
That is still some distance away in time and effort.
Editorials
The rising sun in India-Japan relations
GS Paper 3: International
Relations
Context:
New Delhi should be confident that Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga is
willing to accord primacy to bilateral ties.
Background: Japan elected new PM Yoshihide Suga after the
resignation of Shinzo Abe. He has kept the trend on of his predecessor in the
foreign policy. His visit to the United States last month has set the agenda
for the wider Indo-Pacific engagement of Tokyo and its evolving priorities.
Focus on China
·
To begin with, Tokyo and Washington drilled down to
brass tacks on their joint security partnership given the need to address
China’s recent belligerence in territorial disputes in the South and East China
Seas as well as in the Taiwan Strait.
·
Both sides affirmed the centrality of their treaty
alliance, for long a source of stability in East Asia, and pledged to stand up
to China in key regional flashpoints such as the disputed Senkaku Islands and
Taiwan.
·
Reflecting the changed nature of conflict, both
sides acknowledged the importance of extended deterrence vis-à-vis China
through cooperation on cybersecurity and space technology.
·
Competitiveness and Resilience Partnership, or CoRe has
been announced to invest in emerging technologies to fill the gap and Chinese
ambitions to dominate the development of new age technologies such as 5G and
quantum computing.
·
The two allies earmarked billions in funding for
the deployment of secure 5G networks, committed to building digital
infrastructure in developing countries and promised to collaborate on setting
global digital standards.
·
Both sides have also signalled their intent to
continue the Trump-era policy of pressure on China to reform economic practices
such as “violations of intellectual property rights, forced technology
transfer, excess capacity issues, and the use of trade distorting industrial
subsidies”.
·
Both powers repeatedly emphasised their vision of
a Free and Open Indo-Pacific that respects the rule of law,
freedom of navigation, democratic norms and the use of peaceful means to settle
disputes. In the aftermath of the successful Quad Summit both parties expressed
their continued support for the four-nation grouping of the United States,
India, Australia and Japan. China’s human rights violations in Xinjiang, its
heavy-handed suppression of protests in Hong Kong and military aggression
towards Taiwan came in for heavy criticism.
·
Japanese premier plans to visit India as soon as
situation permits following the COVID-19 pandemic. But the precursor of what
will happen can already be seen from preview of US dealing by Japan.
·
A preview
·
First, one can expect a continuation of the
balancing security policy against China that began in 2014. During a phone call
with the Indian Prime Minister, Japanese PM expressed concern over China’s
“unilateral” actions in the East and South China Seas, Xinjiang and Hong Kong.
·
Within a decade the relations between both the
countries has seen an upward spree which is seen by expanded high-level
ministerial and bureaucratic contacts, conducted joint military exercises and
concluded military pacts such as the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing
Agreement (ACSA) logistics agreement.
·
Both nations continuously affirm for Open and Free
Indo Pacific and wok with QUAD which is central pillar of security strategy.
·
Upcoming meeting between the leaders will take
stock of security relationship and enhanced cooperation in defence technology
and exports.
Technology Partnership
·
Two powers will look to expand cooperation in
sectors such as cybersecurity and emerging technologies. During the tenure of
previous Japanese PM both nations put together a digital research and
innovation partnership that ran the gamut of technologies from AI and 5G to the
Internet of Things and space research.
·
Leaders of the both the countries may look to
deepen cooperation between research institutes and expand funding in light of
China’s aforementioned technology investment programme. It is yet unclear
whether Mr. Suga will attempt to stir the pot and bring up the disagreements
over India’s insistence on data localisation and continued reluctance to accede
to global cybersecurity agreements such as the Budapest Convention.
·
Economic ties and infrastructure development
are likely to be top drawer items on the agendas of New Delhi and Tokyo. While
Japan has poured in around $34 billion in investments into the Indian economy
over the course of the last two decades, Japan is only India’s 12th largest
trading partner, and trade volumes between the two stand at just a fifth of the
value of India-China bilateral trade.
·
The upcoming summit will likely reaffirm Japan’s
support for key manufacturing initiatives such as ‘Make in India’ and the Japan
Industrial Townships. Further, India will be keen to secure continued
infrastructure investments in the strategically vital connectivity projects
currently under way in the Northeast and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
Third Country Outlook
·
Both nations will likely devote much attention to
evolving a joint strategy towards key third countries and multilateral
bodies. In past years both have collaborated to build infrastructure in
Iran and Africa, provide vital aid to Myanmar and Sri Lanka and hammer out a
common Association of Southeast Asian Nations outreach policy in an attempt to
counter China’s growing influence in these corners of the globe.
·
the time is ripe for India and Japan to take
a hard look at reports suggesting that joint infrastructure projects in Africa
and Iran have stalled with substantial cost overruns. Japan will persuade India
on the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership in an attempt to
reverse its decision not to join the massive trade compact.
·
Writing in 2006, Shinzo Abe, in his book,
Utsukushii Kuni E (Toward a Beautiful Country), expressed his hope that “it
would not be a surprise if in another 10 years, Japan-India relations overtake
Japan-U.S. and Japan-China relations”.
A
Timely warning
GS Paper 2:
Polity & Governance
Background: UP CM issued guidelines
to those who spread “misinformation” or “rumor” on COVID-19 will be detained
under National Security Act (NSA) and their property to be seized.
·
The Supreme Court has issued a timely warning to the States against any
attempt to clamp down on the dissemination of information about the serious
health crisis besetting the country, or calls for help through social media
from citizens affected by COVID19.
·
It will surely help prevent ill advised action by the police and
the administration to treat appeals concerning shortage of hospital
·
beds, medical oxygen and vital drugs as attempts to bring the government
into disrepute.
·
While it is entirely in order that the government has directed the
police to crack down on the profiteering on medicines in the black market, it
is quite a different matter if the administration starts seeing all appeals for
help in a grave crisis as nothing more than
·
activities aimed at tarnishing the government’s image.
·
The Supreme Court’s warning that any attempt to stifle the people’s
voices would attract action for contempt of court is quite timely and
necessary. Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, remarked, “any clampdown on information is
contrary to basic precepts”.
·
The Court drew inspiration from the theory, articulated by economist
Amartya Sen, that the fundamental attributes of democracy — such as a free
press and the need to face the people at elections and respond to political
criticism — help prevent famines.
·
Amidst the grave situation of COVID-19 and it’s disastrous health impacts
any move to stifle criticism will be of no avail if the infections and body
count keep rising alarmingly and the health system draws close to a collapse.
Editorials
To stop a third wave, India has to mask up
GS Paper 2: Polity
& Governance
Context:
·
As the smoke
from countless funeral pyres rises above our cities, and desperately sick
people line the corridors and wards of our hospitals seeking beds, medication
and oxygen to relieve their virus-damaged lungs, it is difficult to see a way
out of the worst crisis India has faced since the plagues and famines of the
18th and 19th centuries.
·
The anaemic
pace of the government’s vaccination drive is unlikely to slow the ferocity of
this second wave of the pandemic, which epidemiological modellers predict could
peak by the middle of May and gradually decline.
Waves across the globe
·
The United
States has had three distinct waves since last March, as has Brazil.
·
The United
Kingdom had a small first wave, followed by nearly four months when cases were
low and the virus seemed to be disappearing.
o
This was
followed by two explosive waves, which only subsided after a lockdown and an
aggressive vaccination campaign in which 95% of all those over the age of 50
have been vaccinated to date, with the entire adult population to be vaccinated
by the end of summer.
·
South Africa
saw a first wave peaking last August, followed by a second wave that began
around November, and peaked in the first week of January.
·
A second wave
in India was almost a given. And once this wave recedes, it is highly likely
that a third wave will build up, unless active measures are taken to stop it
building up.
·
But given
India’s population, the slow pace of vaccination, inelastic vaccine supplies
both in India and globally, and limited finances with State governments which
have now been given the responsibility of vaccinating the bulk of the country’s
population, this is not going to happen quickly enough to blunt either this or
future waves.
Tested methods that work
·
So along with
vaccination, it is important to practice the full methods that have been shown
to slow the spread of COVID-19 in different parts of the world: mask wearing,
physical distancing, hand hygiene and a ban on mass gatherings.
·
They may not
be as effective as mass vaccination, but in the absence of vaccines, they are
perhaps the only way to reduce community transmission and slow the spread of
the virus.
·
A study last
year in the American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene found that
countries where masks were widely used (either because of government orders or
cultural norms) had lower per capita mortality from COVID than countries where
there was no universal masking.
·
A smaller study
of transmission among family members in Beijing households, found that face
masks were 79% effective in preventing transmission when they were used by all
household members.
·
A
comprehensive review of the scientific evidence for the use of face masks, published
in January this year in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences
(PNAS), concluded that “near-universal adoption of nonmedical masks when out in
public, in combination with complementary public health measures” could reduce
community spread, provided the measures were sustained.
·
Public health
measures that work best are those that the public voluntarily adopts because
they see it as being in their best interests.
Bangladesh shows the way
·
There is
evidence from an experimental study in Bangladesh that people will use masks
enthusiastically if they are provided free, are comfortable, and accompanied
with appropriate instructional material.
·
A team of
researchers, led by Mushfiq Mobarak of Yale University, carried out an
experiment involving 350,000 adults in 600 villages in Bangladesh to try and
understand how to increase mask usage.
·
They found
that mask usage tripled when they were given away free and accompanied by
well-designed instructional material, as well as reminders from religious and
community leaders and volunteers.
·
Having
volunteers in public spaces such as markets to remind people to wear masks and
distribute masks to those who did not have them, as well as frequent messages
from religious and community leaders saw an increase in mask usage from 13%,
when none of these interventions existed, to over 40% with them.
·
One key to
success was mask quality: masks needed to be comfortable to wear in hot and
humid conditions, as well as being effective filters.
·
Importantly,
those who wore masks were also more likely to maintain social distancing.
·
Over the last
year, India has built significant capacity to manufacture masks, so supplies
should not be an issue.
Reaching out the right way
·
Communication
at the level of communities is the key to getting people to protect themselves
this way.
·
People need
to be explained the reasons for mask wearing as well as the right way to wear a
mask.
·
Imaginative
and creative communication campaigns are essential.
·
In
Bangladesh, community-level leaders as well as religious leaders were used to
reinforce mask wearing and social distancing messages.
·
Most Indian
States have reasonable, well-functioning networks of health workers at the
village and community levels that can be used in health campaigns.
·
These
solutions may seem simplistic, but if the country is to reduce the impact of
future waves, it is essential that they are put in place.
·
Viruses are
the most basic of organisms. And often, basic changes in human behavior can
drastically reduce the ability of a virus to transmit.
State repression that breaches
public peace
GS Paper 2:
Polity & Governance
Context:
·
The Government of
Telangana, on March 30, 2021, issued a notification (G.O. Ms.73) banning 16
organisations under the Telangana Public Security Act, 1992 (TPSA), declaring
them as ‘unlawful associations’ and ‘new front organisations of the proscribed
Communist Party of India (Maoist)’, which was made public three weeks later on
April 24, 2021.
Health crisis,
faltering steps
·
On April 19, the
High Court of Telangana described the State government’s affidavit in response
to PILs urging for greater transparency in control, containment and care as
‘wishy washy’ and ‘disappointing’ and wondered whether the State was competing
for the first place in the COVID-19 surge — and we might add, the failure in
governance reflected therein.
·
Logically therefore,
the attention of the government should be directed at managing the public
health crisis and the distress caused to the people at large, demonstrating due
diligence in fulfilling its constitutional obligations under Part IV of the
Constitution.
Omnibus labelling
·
From workers’
collectives, to women’s groups, students’ groups, Adivasi collectives and civil
liberties groups — list trawls in anyone who is likely to resist or protest on
any count by merely dubbing organisations as a ‘front’ or ‘new front’, or as
‘urban guerillas’.
·
The reason for the
proposed ban is the fact that these activists are ‘moving in urban area by
adopting various guerilla tactics… to wage war against the state’.
·
Interestingly, the
rationale is strengthened by the fact that they have ‘joined hands with several
organisations and [are] alluring the members into their folds [sic] inciting
inflammatory statements, meetings and rallies highlighting various issues
against the State and Central Governments’.
·
The G.O. goes on to
state that these organisations are organising protests in the ‘barren lands’ of
Chhattisgarh besides demanding the release of G.N. Saibaba, Varavara Rao, Rona
Wilson and other leaders of various front organisations who were arrested in
the Bhima Koregaon case, and ‘repealing of UAPA Act, Farm Laws, CAA/NRC etc’.
·
This omnibus
labeling of organisations and so-called crimes in themselves are ground for
challenging the ban.
·
The Bhima Koregaon
case is ongoing. Even the investigation is as yet indeterminate. Construing
support for the Bhima Koregaon accused as a crime under the TPSA is a criminal
mis-reading and deliberate mis-application of an already draconian law.
Challenging UAPA
·
The Unlawful
Activities (Prevention) Act, or UAPA, is widely challenged by everyone with a
rudimentary understanding of the Constitution as being against every
constitutional guarantee.
·
Pending repeal, it
is our constitutional right to challenge its application in every case in which
we believe its application is a travesty of the Constitution.
·
Protesting against
the UAPA or seeking its repeal cannot in itself be construed as an unlawful
activity, as this notification by the Telangana government seems to suggest.
·
This brings us to
protests against the CAA and Farm Laws which the G.O. 73 expressly mentions. There
has been widespread protest against the farm laws in the State as well as
against the CAA.
·
While Telangana
Chief Minister, K. Chandrashekar Rao, refused to take a definite stand on the
Farm Laws in the legislative debates on this issue, his stand on the CAA is
clear and unequivocal.
·
The Telangana
Assembly passed a resolution against the CAA, the National Register of Citizens
(NRC) and the National Population Register on March 15, 2020, stating that the
CAA violated the constitutional guarantees of equality, non-discrimination and
secularism, and will ‘endanger the lives of vulnerable groups who do not
possess adequate documentary proof of citizenship’ — and went on to state that,
‘there are serious questions as to the legality and constitutionality of the
CAA, NPR and NRC’.
·
There is no
indication that the State Legislature has reversed its stand on this question.
Issue of timing
·
The timing of this
notification merits close scrutiny.
·
At a time when the
government is facing the heat for mismanaging public health and safety, and
therefore endangering public security, the response is to blow out a
smokescreen invoking draconian legislation to declare the demand for
governmental accountability as an unlawful activity that is evidence of
participation in an unlawful association.
·
It is state
repression that breaches public peace. Not the demand by citizens for state
accountability.
Editorials
Temples are not fiefdoms of the state (Polity & Governance)
GS Paper 2: Polity
& Governance & GS Paper 1: Indian Culture
Context:
·
Uttarakhand CM Tirath Singh Rawat
on Friday, revoked the Trivendra Singh Rawat govt's 'Uttarakhand Char Dham
Devasthanam Management Act', freeing 51 temples
What is the Uttarakhand Char Dham Devasthanam
Management Act?
·
In 2019, the Trivendra Singh
Rawat government had passed the Uttarakhand Char Dham Devasthanam Management
Act in the Assembly taking over control of major Hindu religious institutions.
·
The Act allowed the government to
nominate MPs, MLAs, and representatives as the chairman and members to the
temple's boards for its management.
·
The Act was heavily criticised by
the Opposition and aggrieved priests who reportedly claim that they were 'kept
in the dark' regarding the law.
·
BJP's Subramanian Swamy had filed
a PIL challenging the constitutional validity claiming that it violates
Articles 31 A(1) (b), Article 25 and 26 of the Constitution.
A
myth
·
A myth is trotted out to justify
sovereign control of temples: that Hindu temples were supervised and managed by
kings, who “habitually employed ministries to supervise temples and charitable
bodies”.
·
Like many myths the colonials
perpetuated, this too must be disabused: there is not a shred of historical
source to support this claim.
·
On the contrary there are
inscriptions, cast in stone, that attest that temples were managed wholly and
entirely by local communities.
State in religion
·
The state has assumed the role of
religious functionaries to determine who will be heads of Mutts and the
authority to conduct poojas.
o For example, The Shri Jagannath Temple Act,
1954 entrusted the committee appointed by the state with the task of ensuring
the performance of seva pooja.
o When the Act was questioned by the Raja of
Puri before the Supreme Court, in Raja Birakishore vs The State Of Orissa, the
Court made a revelation: the performance of a puja is in fact a secular act
and, therefore, the state is justified in its regulation.
·
The exercise of state regulation
of secular aspects of religion was taken to extreme lengths when the Court
ruled that the state, by appointing temple priests, was exercising a secular
function (Seshammal & Ors, Etc. Etc vs State Of Tamil Nadu).
·
Whatever style of secularism we
subscribe to, surely the Indian state is not to tell the believer how he/she is
to offer worship to the deity nor is it to tell the custodian of the deity how
she will be appointed.
Distinct aspects
·
Constituent Assembly framed the
religious liberty clauses keeping in mind the historical prohibition of entry
to certain classes and sections of Hindu society.
·
Article 25(2) grants power to the
State to enact law on two distinct aspects.
o Article 25(2)(a) empowers the state to
regulate “economic, financial, political or other secular activities which may
be associated with religious practice”.
o Article 25(2)(b) enables the state to enact
law to prohibit the exclusion of ‘classes and sections’ of Hindu society to
enter into Hindu temples of a public character and also make law for social
welfare and reform.
·
Thus, the control of secular
aspects associated with religion and the power to throw open Hindu temples to
all classes and sections of society are distinct.
·
The control of secular aspects is
not a measure of any social reform.
·
Viewed from this standpoint, the
Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department is not a “tribune for
social justice” as argued in the article nor has it ever guaranteed equal
access to worship.
·
Nowhere does the text of the
Constitution permit the state to assume ownership of properties belonging to
religious institutions and treat them as state largesse to be siphoned off.
·
The only vestige of authority
under the Constitution empowering the state to take over property of religious
institutions is under Article 31A (b).
·
The history of legislative
practice of endowment laws reveals the state prerogative in ensuring regulation
of only secular activities.
·
As a matter of fact, the Shirur
Mutt case, while upholding certain provisions of the 1951 Act, struck down a
major portion of the Act characterising the provisions as a “disastrous
invasion” of religious liberty.
·
In 1959, the Legislature ‘cured’
the defects pointed out by the Supreme Court, by inserting verbatim the very
provisions that the Supreme Court had stuck down in 1954.
Applicable to charities
·
The Waqf Act justification for
the legitimacy of control of Hindu religious endowments is misleading.
·
A reading of the Act reveals that
it applies to charities and specifically excludes places of worship such as
mosques.
·
In fact the scheme of the Waqf
Act supports the argument that the government should not regulate places of
worship.
·
The most fundamental criticism
against the release of Hindu temples from government control to the society is
two-fold.
o First, it is asked to whom will the temples
be handed over to?
o Second, once restored to the community, will
it not perpetuate class hierarchies?
·
What is being asserted by the
community is the right of representation in the affairs of the management of
temples.
o This right of representation can be
effectuated by the creation of boards representative of religious heads,
priests and responsible members from the dharmik sampradaya.
o The logic is simple. Members who profess a
particular dharmik sampradaya will have its due interest in mind.
British legacy
·
When the British government
realised that a secular government should take no part in the management of
religious institutions, it enacted the Religious Endowments Act (Act XX of
1863) repealing the pre-existing Bengal and Madras Regulations.
·
Interestingly, in handing
over the religious institutions to the society, it created committees in every
district to exercise control over temples.
·
Section 8 of the Act provided
that the members of the committee to be appointed from persons professing the
religion, for purposes of which the religious establishment was founded or
maintained and in accordance with the general wishes of those who are
interested in the maintenance of the institution.
·
For this purpose the local
government caused an election.
·
In the spirit of equality of all
religions, this scheme should be applicable to all religious institutions which
would guarantee adequate community representation in the management of their
places of worship.
Antimicrobial
resistance: the silent threat
GS Paper 3: Science and Technology
Context:
·
As serious as the current health
and economic crisis is, COVID-19 may just be the harbinger of future crises.
·
Antimicrobial resistance (AMR),
the phenomenon by which bacteria and fungi evolve and become resistant to
presently available medical treatment, is one of the greatest challenges of the
21st century.
·
World Health Organization
Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said in July 2020, “AMR is a slow
tsunami that threatens to undo a century of medical progress”.
·
AMR is already responsible for up
to 7,00,000 deaths a year.
·
Unless urgent measures are taken
to address this threat, we could soon face an unprecedented health and economic
crisis of 10 million annual deaths and costs of up to $100 trillion by 2050.
Diverse challenges
·
AMR represents an existential
threat to modern medicine.
·
Without functional antimicrobials
to treat bacterial and fungal infections, even the most common surgical
procedures, as well as cancer chemotherapy will become fraught with risk from
untreatable infections.
·
Neonatal and maternal mortality
will increase.
·
All these effects will be felt
globally, but the scenario in the low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) of
Asia and Africa is even more serious.
o LMICs have significantly driven down
mortality using cheap and easily available antimicrobials.
·
Drug resistance in microbes
emerges for several reasons. These include
o The misuse of antimicrobials in medicine,
o Inappropriate use in agriculture, and
o Contamination around pharmaceutical
manufacturing sites where untreated waste releases large amounts of active
antimicrobials into the environment.
·
This is compounded by the serious
challenge that no new classes of antibiotics have made it to the market in the
last three decades, largely on account of inadequate incentives for their
development and production.
·
A recent report from the
non-profit PEW Trusts found that over 95% of antibiotics in development today
are from small companies, 75% of which have no products currently in the
market.
·
Tackling these diverse challenges
requires action in a range of areas – in addition to developing new
anti-microbials, infection-control measures can reduce antibiotic use.
·
Further, to track the spread of
resistance in microbes, surveillance measures to identify these organisms need
to expand beyond hospitals and encompass livestock, wastewater and farm
run-offs.
·
Finally, since microbes will
inevitably continue to evolve and become resistant even to new antimicrobials,
we need sustained investments and global coordination to detect and combat new
resistant strains on an ongoing basis.
The way forward
·
A multi-sectoral $1 billion AMR
Action Fund was launched in 2020 to support the development of new antibiotics,
and the U.K. is trialling a subscription-based model for paying for new
antimicrobials towards ensuring their commercial viability.
·
Other initiatives focused on the
appropriate use of antibiotics include Peru’s efforts on patient education to
reduce unnecessary antibiotic prescriptions.
·
Australian regulatory reforms to
influence prescriber behaviour, and initiatives to increase the use of
point-of-care diagnostics, such as the EU-supported VALUE-Dx programme.
·
Beyond human use, Denmark’s
reforms to prevent the use of antibiotics in livestock have not only led to a
significant reduction in the prevalence of resistant microbes in animals, but
also improved the efficiency of farming.
·
Finally, given the critical role
of manufacturing and environmental contamination in spreading AMR through
pharmaceutical waste, there is a need to look into laws such as those recently
proposed by India, one of the largest manufacturers of pharmaceuticals, to curb
the amount of active antibiotics released in pharmaceutical waste.
·
While the range of initiatives
that seek to control the emergence and spread of AMR is welcome, there is a
need to recognise the limitations of a siloed approach.
·
Current initiatives largely
target individual issues related to AMR (such as the absence of new
antibiotics, inappropriate prescription and environmental contamination) and
consequently, narrowly defined groups of stakeholders (providers, patients and
pharmaceutical companies).
·
Regulating clinician prescription
of antimicrobials alone would do little in settings where patient demand is
high and antimicrobials are freely available over-the-counter in practice, as
is the case in many LMICs.
·
Efforts to control prescription
through provider incentives should be accompanied
o
By efforts to educate consumers
to reduce inappropriate demand,
o
Issue standard treatment
guidelines that would empower providers to stand up to such demands,
o
As well as provide point-of-care
diagnostics to aid clinical decision-making.
·
Policy alignment is also needed
much beyond the health system.
·
Solutions in clinical medicine
must be integrated with improved surveillance of AMR in agriculture, animal
health and the environment.
·
International alignment and
coordination are paramount in both policymaking and its implementation.
·
Indeed, recent papers have
proposed using the Paris Agreement as a blueprint for developing a similar
global approach to tackling AMR.
Editorials
A patently wrong regime
GS Paper 3:
Economy & GS Paper 2: Govt. policies
Context:
·
Even an
unprecedented pandemic can do little, it appears, to upset the existing global
regime governing monopoly rights over the production and distribution of
life-saving drugs.
·
Intellectual
property rules that have served as a lethal barrier to the right to access
healthcare over the last few decades.
·
The neo-liberal
order, under which these laws exist, is so intractable today that a matter as
seemingly simple as a request for a waiver on patent protections is seen as a
claim unworthy of exception.
Request for waiver
·
On October 2
last year, India and South Africa submitted a joint petition to the World Trade
Organization (WTO), requesting a temporary suspension of rules under the 1995
Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS).
·
A waiver was
sought to the extent that the protections offered by TRIPS impinged on the
containment and treatment of COVID-19.
·
The request
for waiver has, since, found support from more than 100 nations.
·
But a small
group of states — the U.S., the European Union, the U.K. and Canada among them
— continues to block the move.
·
Their
reluctance comes despite these countries having already secured the majority of
available vaccines, with the stocks that they hold far exceeding the amounts
necessary to inoculate the whole of their populations.
·
Reports
suggest that for most poor countries it would take until at least 2024 before
widespread vaccination is achieved.
·
A patent is a
conferral by the state of an exclusive right to make, use and sell an inventive
product or process.
·
Patent laws
are usually justified on three distinct grounds:
o
On the idea
that people have something of a natural and moral right to claim control over
their inventions;
o
On the
utilitarian premise that exclusive licenses promote invention and therefore
benefit society as a whole; and
o
On the belief
that individuals must be allowed to benefit from the fruits of their labour and
merit, that when a person toils to produce an object, the toil and the object
become inseparable.
o
Each of these
justifications has long been a matter of contest, especially in the application
of claims of monopoly over pharmaceutical drugs and technologies.
A new world order
o
In India, the
question of marrying the idea of promoting invention and offering exclusive
rights over medicines on the one hand with the state’s obligation of ensuring
that every person has equal access to basic healthcare on the other has been a
source of constant tension.
o
The
colonial-era laws that the country inherited expressly allowed for
pharmaceutical patents.
o
But in 1959,
a committee chaired by Justice N. Rajagopala Ayyangar objected to this on
ethical grounds.
o
The committee
found that foreign corporations used patents, and injunctions secured from
courts, to suppress competition from Indian entities, and thus, medicines were
priced at exorbitant rates.
o
To counter
this trend, the committee suggested, and Parliament put this into law through
the Patents Act, 1970, that monopolies over pharmaceutical drugs be altogether
removed, with protections offered only over claims to processes.
o
This change
in rule allowed generic manufacturers in India to grow.
o
As a result,
life-saving drugs were made available to people at more affordable prices.
o
The ink had
barely dried on the new law, though, when negotiations had begun to create a
WTO that would write into its constitution a binding set of rules governing
intellectual property.
o
It was
believed that a threat of sanctions, to be enforced through a dispute
resolution mechanism, would dissuade states from reneging on their promises and
with the advent in 1995 of the TRIPS agreement this belief proved true.
o
It was only
when Indian companies began to manufacture generic versions of these medicines,
which was made possible because obligations under TRIPS hadn’t yet kicked in
against India, that the prices came down.
Refuting objections
o
Instead, two
common arguments are made in response to objections against the prevailing
patent regime.
o
One, that
unless corporations are rewarded for their inventions, they would be unable to
recoup amounts invested by them in research and development.
o
Two, that
without the right to monopolise production there will be no incentive to
innovate.
o
Both of these
claims have been refuted time and again.
o
Most
recently, it has been reported that the technology involved in producing the Moderna
vaccine in the U.S. emanated out of basic research conducted by the National
Institutes of Health, a federal government agency, and other publicly funded
universities and organisations.
o
Similarly,
public money accounted for more than 97% of the funding towards the development
of the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine.
o
It’s also
been clear for some time now that its research is usually driven towards
diseases that afflict people in the developed world.
o
Therefore,
the claim that a removal of patents would somehow invade on a company’s ability
to recoup costs is simply untrue.
o
The second
objection — the idea that patents are the only means available to promote
innovation — has become something of a dogma.
o
The economist
Joseph Stiglitz is one of many who has proposed a prize fund for medical
research in place of patents.
o
A system that
replaces patents with prizes will be “more efficient and more equitable”, in
that incentives for research will flow from public funds while ensuring that
the biases associated with monopolies are removed.
Conclusion
·
The unequal
vaccine policy put in place by the Indian state is indefensible.
·
But at the
same time, we cannot overlook the need for global collective action.
·
If nation
states are to act as a force of good, they must each attend to the demands of
global justice.
·
The pandemic
has demonstrated to us just how iniquitous the existing world order is.
·
We cannot
continue to persist with rules granting monopolies which place the right to
access basic healthcare in a position of constant peril
Marking
the beginning of a green era
GS Paper 2: International Relations & GS Paper 1:
Climate Change
Context:
·
Two recent
initiatives launched by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz, Deputy
Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, to combat the threat of climate
change — the ‘Saudi Green Initiative’ and the ‘Middle East Green Initiative’.
·
The Saudi
leadership of the summit highlighted how climate change had negatively impacted
the planet, people’s lives and their well-being.
Progress towards goals
·
Ambition
alone cannot attain goals. Good results depend on our ability to act.
·
The G20
introduced initiatives like establishing a Global Coral Reef Research and
Development Accelerator Platform to accelerate scientific knowledge and
technology development in support of coral reef survival, conservation,
resilience, adaptation and restoration.
·
G20 leaders
also acknowledged the Circular Carbon Economy (CCE) Platform as a tool towards
affordable, reliable, and secure energy and economic growth.
·
The Saudi
Green Initiative aims to
·
Raise the
vegetation cover,
·
Reduce carbon
emissions,
·
Combat
pollution and land degradation, and
·
Preserve
marine life.
·
As part of
the initiative, 10 billion trees will be planted in the Kingdom.
·
It aims to
reduce carbon emissions by more than 4% of global contributions, through a
renewable energy programme that will generate 50% of Saudi’s energy from
renewables by 2030.
·
Saudi Arabia
is working towards raising the percentage of its protected areas to more than
30% of its total land area, representing roughly 6,00,000 sq km, exceeding the
global target of 17%.
·
As part of
the Middle East Green initiative,
·
Saudi Arabia
will work with the Gulf Cooperation Council countries and regional partners to
plant an additional 40 billion trees in the West Asian region.
·
It represents
5% of the global target of planting one trillion trees and reducing 2.5% of
global carbon levels.
·
Saudi Arabia
has been sharing its expertise and know-how with its neighboring countries to
reduce carbon emissions resulting from hydrocarbon production in the region by
60% and globally by 10%.
·
Saudi Arabia
currently operates the largest carbon capture and utilization plant in the
world, turning half a million tones of CO2 annually into products such as
fertilizers and methanol.
·
It also
operates one of the region’s most advanced CO2-enhanced oil recovery plants
that captures and stores 8,00,000 tonnes of CO2 annually.
·
Plans are
afoot to deploy additional carbon capture, utilisation and storage
infrastructure.
·
Saudi Arabia
have already joined hands in February 2019 with India when it joined the
International Solar Alliance during the Crown Prince’s state visit to the
country, hence promoting cooperation in the renewable energy sector.
·
Later that
year, when the Indian Prime Minister visited Saudi Arabia, several MoUs and
agreements in key sectors including renewable energy were signed.
·
To ensure
momentum and continuity, Saudi Arabia will convene an annual summit called the
Middle East Green Initiative which will host leaders from the government,
scientists and environmentalists to discuss the details of implementation.
·
Saudi Arabia
also recognises the scarcity of financial resources to irrigate the terrain.
Working towards Vision 2030
·
In 2016, the
Crown Prince unveiled Vision 2030, a comprehensive road map to improve the
quality of life of the citizens of the country.
·
As part of
this, Saudi Arabia carried out a comprehensive restructuring of the
environmental sector and established the Environmental Special Forces in 2019.
·
With NEOM and
The Line, Saudi Arabia has already redefined the idea of sustainable habitats.
·
NEOM’s
location also gives Saudi Arabia many advantages in the field of hydrogen
production.
·
According to
the World Bank, for every dollar invested in resilient infrastructure, $4 in
benefits are generated.
·
With the
Public Investment Fund recently pumping in $15 billion in the NEOM project and
another $10 billion in renewable and solar energy projects, it is clear that
the pandemic has only strengthened Saudi Arabia’s resolve to realise the goals
of Vision 2030 and become one of the major producers of renewable energy with a
capacity to generate 9.5 GW by 2023.
·
Our close
friend and strategic partner India has also made remarkable commitments to
tackle climate change and is on track to achieve its Paris Agreement targets.
·
India’s
renewable energy capacity is the fourth largest in the world and has an
ambitious target of achieving 450 gigawatts of renewable energy capacity by
2030.
· Saudi Arabia hopes that the launch of the Saudi Green Initiative and the Middle East Green Initiative marks the beginning of a green era and that these initiatives provide momentum to other countries to unify their efforts to save our planet.
Editorials
Another wave spells more nutrition loss (Economy)
GS Paper3: Economy & GS Paper 2: Govt. policies
Context:
1. The political and social handling of the COVID-19 pandemic
has added to the persisting issues of food insecurity faced by millions in
India even prior to the novel corona virus pandemic.
2. India consistently has ranked poorly in all international
rankings on hunger (ranking 102 among 117 countries in the Global Hunger Index
2019).
3. With the second, more vigorous wave of COVID-19, the
inability of those already on the brink of subsistence to absorb a second
economic shock cannot be overlooked even as the current health crisis is
creating havoc.
4. Rural distress specifically needs closer examination and
urgent policy attention.
Data collection, findings
1. The Rapid Rural Community Response or RCRC to COVID-19, a
collective of over 60 non-governmental organisations has collected three rounds
of data since the lockdown.
2. The third round conducted between December 2020-January
2021 has collected data from 11,766 households across 64 districts, in Assam,
Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha,
Rajasthan, Telangana and Uttar Pradesh.
Cutting down on food
1. The most recent data suggest a persistence of cutting
down on food even nine months after the first lockdown, during the seeming
“revival” period.
2. While 40% of the sample cut down on food during the first
lockdown, an alarming 25% reportedly continued to cut down on food during the
most recent survey conducted between December and January 2021.
3. Households reported cutting down on nutritious food — 80%
cut down on milk, vegetables, pulses and oil (around 50% reported cutting down
on pulses alone).
4. Disaggregating the figure, socially marginalised Dalits,
and those with lesser access to food security schemes (such as migrants) faced
more severe food insecurity.
5. Comparing similar households, households in Uttar Pradesh
and Jharkhand were faring among the worst performing States.
6. These reductions will undoubtedly further accelerate the
impending effects on children’s nutrition, as highlighted in the National
Family Health Survey or NFHS-V (2019-20) and the Global Food Policy Report,
2021.
7. The loss in nutrition may have come as a consequence of
people losing their jobs and/or being pushed into lower income brackets over
time due to the nature and handling of the pandemic.
Reduction in incomes
1. Pew Research Center has indicated that the middle class
in India has shrunk by over 32 million households in the past year.
2. Survey suggests an over 70% reported reduction in incomes
post the pandemic, with many falling into significant pre-carity.
3. While 55% of households recalled earning less than ?5,000
per month prior to the pandemic, around 74% reported doing so in December
2020-January 2021.
4. It is thus unsurprising that around 30% households were
also seeking loans, and among them, at least half of them reported needing
loans for food, all indicative of the debilitating food and financial
insecurities that poor households continue to face.
Migrants on the margins
1. The second wave of the pandemic comes on the back of an
uneven recovery and persistence of crippling food and financial insecurity
among the poorest households, especially migrants.
2. Migrants who have travelled to cities only months ago are
again travelling back to their villages.
3. In one sample, 74% households had migrant members who had
returned to the village during or after the lockdown (in mid-2020); 57% among
them had gone back to the destination city by December-January, with 59% of
those remaining also wanting to go back.
4. There was limited support for migrants even in existing
social protection schemes such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment
Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).
a. For example, among the poorest, households with migrants
were more likely to seek work than those without (43% versus 32%), but less
likely to get work (49% versus 59%) under the scheme.
Food security is a must
1. The Government has promised to restart the Pradhan Mantri
Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (PMGKAY) with 5 kg of rice/wheat per person per month
for the next two months.
2. The government needs to provide similar support for
stabler longer periods;
1. Expand the current offering to include nutritious foods
like pulses;
2. Address issues faced in existing schemes such as MGNREGA
(like delays in wages and rationing); and
3. New schemes such as a potential urban employment scheme
should be explored.
3. Food security schemes such as ration provided to children
through anganwadis, Public Distribution System and mid-day meal scheme in
primary schools need to be ramped up systematically and urgently.
4. For migrants stuck in cities without work, community
kitchens (such as Amma canteens) are required.
5. The most vulnerable will need more predictable and stable
support than ever before.
Editorials
Endeavor, leadership and
the story of a nation
GS Paper2: International Relations
Context:
·
Bangladesh and India both celebrated the
golden jubilee (26 March) of Bangladesh’s Independence recently, alongside the
birth centenary of ‘Banghabandu’ Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
·
The creation of Bangladesh — from the ashes
of East Pakistan — is presumably India’s finest foreign policy triumph till
date, and it defies imagination why India has been so reticent in acknowledging
this fact.
The architect, India’s stand
·
Anyone who had an opportunity to witness Mrs.
Indira Gandhi’s steely resolve during that period — as for instance when it was
communicated to her during a meeting of the War Cabinet, that the U.S. Seventh
Fleet (which included the nuclear powered aircraft carrier, Enterprise) was
steaming up the Bay of Bengal, will hardly dispute this fact.
·
Displaying no signs of diffidence, she made
it clear that it made little difference to the cause that they had embarked
upon.
·
Few nations across the world can possibly boast
of an achievement of this nature.
·
What is even more noteworthy is that while
accomplishing this task, India did not claim any ‘spoils of victory’.
·
After Pakistan’s defeat in East Pakistan,
India voluntarily and unconditionally, handed over power to the elected
representatives of the newly established nation.
A year of significance
Not too many among the current generation would remember
that 1971 was a signal year for India.
·
It was in 1971 that India had extended all
out support to the Government in Sri Lanka to defeat the group, the Janatha
Vimukthi Peramuna in that country.
·
Bangladesh, which was carved out of East
Pakistan following a program launched by the military rulers in Islamabad that
was unmatched in modern times.
·
Half-a-century later, India would have done
well to highlight and remind the world of these two events, to further
embellish its democratic credentials.
·
While India was busy scripting a new destiny
for the people of East Pakistan, millions of refugees from East Pakistan were
streaming into India.
·
It was to adhere to this position till
Pakistan declared war on India in December 1971.
·
Meantime, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had been
arrested and flown to West Pakistan.
·
Tajuddin Ahmad had been secretly sworn in as
the Prime Minister of an independent Bangladesh and installed in Mujibnagar,
from where the new government-in-exile operated till the liberation of East
Pakistan.
·
India well recognised that before India could
legitimately intervene in East Pakistan, the new government-in-exile had to acquire
legitimacy, both within East Pakistan and also internationally.
·
All this demonstrated political finesse of
the highest order.
Coordination and the goal
·
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s carefully
crafted diplomatic dispatches to world leaders had helped create a groundswell
of support for the persecuted Bengalis of East Pakistan.
o
The signing of the Indo-Soviet Treaty in
August 1971 came as a shot-in-the-arm for India, encouraging it to stay the
course.
o
Russia’s action was in marked contrast to the
stand of western nations such as the United States which displayed hostility to
India’s efforts, viewing it as an encouragement to the forces seeking to
dismember the state of Pakistan.
o
Within the country, regular meetings and the
constant dialogue with Opposition leaders ensured that India acted in a united
manner, notwithstanding the public clamour for immediate action.
·
India sought to intervene in East Pakistan, only
after Pakistan attacked India on December 3, 1971.
o
Three days later on December 6, India made
the formal announcement of recognizing the new state of Bangladesh, almost nine
months after the Peoples’ Republic of Bangladesh had been proclaimed by Sheik Mujibur
Rahman.
o
Still later in March 1972, India and
Bangladesh signed a Treaty of Peace and Friendship.
o
The West, however, erroneously believed the
humanitarian disaster notwithstanding, that it could not let down its ally
Pakistan, which was a member of several western-led military alliances.
o
Quite a few other nations, while sympathetic
to the plight of the beleaguered population of East Pakistan, were unwilling to
extend support fearing the wrath of the U.S.
Operating from the shadows
A great deal has been written about the military exploits
in connection with the formation of Bangladesh — of the Indian Army, the Indian
Navy and the Indian Air Force.
Very little has, however, been mentioned about the role
of the intelligence agencies.
·
Fifty years after Bangladesh gained
Independence, it may, however, be time to give a pat on the back of the two
principal intelligence agencies at the time — the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and
the Research & Analysis Wing (R&AW/RAW).
·
A vast network of agents had been created by
the IB well before the organization was bifurcated in 1968 into the IB and the
R&AW, and the latter built on these assets.
·
These agents played a critical role behind
the scenes, preparing the ground for the eventual collapse of Pakistani Army
resistance in East Bengal.
·
The time has also come to acknowledge the
role of the Mukti Bahini — the Army of Bangladeshi irregulars — fashioned by
the intelligence agencies which played a key role during the conflict.
·
The ultimate accolade for India’s role in
creating a new nation is that Bangladesh is today a relatively prosperous
country, having made steady progress from the category of a Least Developed
Country to a Developing country.
·
Bangladesh “will get time up to 2026 to
prepare for the transition to the status of a developing country”.
Bangladesh today
·
Today, Bangladesh is a shining example of
what is possible through human endeavor and a wise leadership.
·
It has not allowed itself to be drawn into
the vortex of foreign influences, and maintains an independent foreign policy.
·
Relations with India are excellent today,
though there have been periods when relations were not all that cordial.
·
Currently, Bangladesh’s annual GDP growth
exceeds that of its erstwhile parent, Pakistan.
·
Women empowerment has been a major catalyst
in Bangladesh’s progress, and this is largely responsible for transforming the
country.
A case for judicial federalism (Polity &
Governance)
GS Paper2: Polity & Governance
Context:
Pleas of various hospitals for oxygen supply were filed
in different HC’s across country.
·
The Gujarat High Court issued a series of
directions, including for laboratory testing and procurement of oxygen.
·
The Nagpur Bench of the Bombay High Court was
constrained to hold night sittings to consider the issue of oxygen supply.
·
It directed immediate restoration of oxygen
supply that had been reduced from the Bhilai steel plant in Chhattisgarh.
·
The Delhi High Court directed the Central
government to ensure adequate measures for the supply of oxygen.
Legislature Vs Executive
·
In comparison to the legislature and the
executive, what the judiciary can deliver in the realm of socio-economic rights
is limited.
o
Courts cannot build better health
infrastructure or directly supply oxygen; neither are they functionally bound
to.
o
What they can do is
§
To ask tough questions to the executive,
§
Implement existing laws and regulations, and
§
Hold the executive accountable in various
aspects of healthcare allocation.
·
In Parmanand Katara v. Union of India (1989),
the Supreme Court underlined the value of human lives and said that the right
to emergency medical treatment is part of the citizen’s fundamental rights.
·
In the face of a de facto COVID-19 health
emergency, the High Courts of Delhi, Gujarat, Madras and Bombay, among others,
have done their duty to protect this right.
Transfer of cases
·
On April 22, the Supreme Court took suo motu
cognisance of the issue in ‘Re: Distribution of Essential Supplies and Services
During Pandemic’.
·
It said, “Prima facie, we are inclined to
take the view that the distribution of these essential services and supplies
must be done in an even-handed manner according to the advice of the health
authorities” and asked the Central government to present a national plan.
·
In addition, it issued an order asking the
State governments and the Union Territories to “show cause why uniform orders”
should not be passed by the Supreme Court.
·
Under Article 139A of the Constitution, the
Supreme Court does have the power to transfer cases from the High Courts to
itself if cases involve the same questions of law.
·
However, what make the court’s usurpation
disturbing are two well-founded observations regarding its contemporary
conduct.
o
One, the court has been indifferent to the
actions and inactions of the executive even in cases where interference was
warranted, such as the Internet ban in Kashmir.
o
Two, where effective remedies were sought,
when activists and journalists were arrested and detained, the court
categorically stayed aloof. It acted as if its hands were tied.
A characteristic feature of the apex court in the recent
years is general lack of dissent in issues that have serious political
ramifications.
·
This deficit occurs not only in the formally
pronounced judgments and orders; dissenting judges on the Bench are rare, and
the hearing on the COVID-19 case was no exception.
According to the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution,
public health and hospitals come under the State List as Item No. 6.
·
There could be related subjects coming under
the Union List or Concurrent List.
·
Also, there may be areas of inter-State
conflicts.
·
But as of now, the respective High Courts
have been dealing with specific challenges at the regional level, the
resolution of which does not warrant the top court’s interference.
·
In addition to the geographical reasons, the
constitutional scheme of the Indian judiciary is pertinent.
In L. Chandra Kumar v. Union of India (1997), the Supreme
Court itself said that the High Courts are “institutions endowed with glorious
judicial traditions” since they “had been in existence since the 19th century
and were possessed of a hoary past enabling them to win the confidence of the
people”.
Even otherwise, in a way, the power of the High Court
under Article 226 is wider than the Supreme Court’s under Article 32, for in
the former, a writ can be issued not only in cases of violation of fundamental
rights but also “for any other purpose”.
·
This position was reiterated by the court
soon after its inception in State of Orissa v. Madan Gopal Rungta (1951).
Autonomy is the rule
·
Judicial federalism has intrinsic and
instrumental benefits which are essentially political.
·
The United States is an illustrative case.
Scholar G. Alan Tarr of Rutgers University hinted, “Despite the existence of
some endemic and periodical problems, the American system of judicial
federalism has largely succeeded in promoting national uniformity and
subnational diversity in the administration of justice”.
·
Justice Sandra Day O’Connor rightly said in a
1984 paper that the U.S. Supreme Court reviews “only a relative handful of
cases from state courts” which ensures “a large measure of autonomy in the
application of federal law” for the State courts.
·
The need for a uniform judicial order across
India is warranted only when it is unavoidable — for example, in cases of an
apparent conflict of laws or judgments on legal interpretation.
·
Otherwise, autonomy, not uniformity, is the
rule.
·
Decentralisation, not centrism, is the
principle.
·
In the COVID-19-related cases, High Courts
across the country have acted with an immense sense of judicial responsibility.
·
This is a legal landscape that deserves to be
encouraged. To do this, the Supreme Court must simply stay away.
Editorials
Arise and rejuvenate the
third layer of governance
GS Paper2: Polity and Governance
Sub Topic: Local Self Governance
Context:
·
The government must ensure that even the last
man sitting in the remote corner of the last row should have access to the
benefits of the plan.
·
This is why it is crucial that strong local
bodies are formed to enable genuine feasibility and execution.
·
The Cholas were the pioneers in the formation
of local bodies as part of a well-organized hierarchy to oversee the
implementation of progressive plans.
The
journey of Panchayati raj
·
“The voice of the people is the voice of god; The voice of the
Panchayat is the voice of the people,” is the quote attributed to Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi.
·
Panchayati raj ensures that the voices of the people are heard
loud and clear.
·
Realizing that seamless administration is impossible without power
sharing, the British, in 1884, passed the Madras Local Boards Act.
·
With this, the British formed unions in both small towns and big
cities and began to appoint members to ensure better administration.
o To a certain extent, this
brought about positive changes in basic parameters such as health and hygiene.
·
With the advent of gram panchayat laws in 1920, people over 25
years of age were bestowed with the right to vote and choose their panchayat
members.
·
Even though Gandhiji was constantly laying emphasis on the
importance of autonomously ruled villages, the idea received constitutional
recognition only in 1992.
·
It was only after the 73rd Amendment in the 1990s that the Panchayati
raj law came into force.
·
This was the law that brought about massive turning points such as
o The initiation of grama
sabha,
o A three-tier Panchayati
raj methodology of governance,
o Reservation for the
downtrodden and women,
o Consistency in economic
development,
o Local body elections once
in five years,
o The formation of the State
Election Commission,
o Finance Commission, and
the
o Power to draft the rules
and responsibilities of the Panchayat.
·
The regions which were better equipped with basic facilities and which
were more developed than the villages were brought under one coordinated body,
namely, the municipality.
·
The district capitals were further slotted into a combined
parameter, namely, the corporation.
·
The administration was transferred to the people, from the
politicians and other officials.
·
The lofty dream of Gandhiji to make each village of independent
India a republic organization, and to reiterate that the autonomous
administration of villages should be made the foundation of the entire
country’s administration was heard and he lay stress on the active
participation of the people in governance.
Ideal
platform
·
For seemingly trivial and easily resolvable issues, the villages
did not have to seek the assistance of the State or the Central governments.
·
Grama sabhas could and can be the platform to resolve such issues.
o Besides, grama sabhas can
be convened as and when the necessity arises.
o Every grama sabha meeting
ensures the equal right to highlight the issues that disrupt life.
·
In addition to this, the elected members of the Panchayat are
obliged to read out the ?nancial statements and balance sheet to ensure
transparency.
The
reality
·
The decisions taken during a grama sabha meeting and the proposed
solutions with a feasible deadline are potent and powerful.
·
Unfortunately, the reality today is that grama sabhas have become
more like auction houses.
·
Even though the government announced that people’s opinions would
be considered, it went ahead and conducted meetings, which were marked by poor attendance
and poor representation from the people.
·
Even then, the government went ahead with the approval of projects
which are impediments to normal life.
·
The truth is that keeping in mind a single goal, of profit,
politicians hold ‘negotiations’ with the of?cials. Several projects are being
implemented for the bene?t of private and corporate entities.
·
Sadly, in this age, women do not find themselves in major
administrative roles in the local bodies, though, on paper, women are shown to
be a considerable force.
The
Kerala example
·
The State of Kerala has been diligently working toward ensuring
the proper use of allotted funds, and ensuring the ef?ciency of administration
and eligible member appointments.
·
To ensure ef?ciency,
o We need to strengthen our
grama sabhas,
o Hold area sabhas in
cities,
o Form ward committees,
o Hold online Panchayat
meetings,
o Ensure decent remuneration
to Panchayat chiefs and councillors and
o Also bestow the grama
sabha with the power to revoke appointed members and representatives.
·
These steps are what will ensure real growth in the State.
·
The State-appointed corporation commissioner faces mammoth
challenges when a member of the Opposition party takes charge as a mayor.
o The constant and
meaningless con?icts between the ruling party and the mayor from the Opposition
party make it impossible for the corporation commissioner to execute what was
agreed upon in a meeting.
o The same treatment is
meted out to municipal councillors and district councillors.
Conclusion
·
We must collectively ensure that Panchayati raj should be
strengthened. This should be the outcome of a peoples’ movement.
·
Gandhiji’s belief was that the voices of people will resolve what
violence can never be successful in resolving.
·
Let the peoples’ voices be heard. We should also note that every
year, April 24 is celebrated as Panchayat raj day.
Editorials
The Chequered legacy of a Chief Justice of India
GS Paper2: Polity
Sub Topic: Judiciary
Context:
·
The Supreme Court of India in the last five
years during the tenure of the last four Chief Justices of India (CJIs), has
seen an unprecedented fall — from being an independent custodian of justice, to
becoming an instrumentality of the government.
·
After the tenure of former CJI Ranjan Gogoi,
who oversaw the Ayodhya and Rafale verdicts, before retiring to join the Rajya
Sabha, we thought the worst was behind us.
·
We hoped that his successor, CJI S.A. Bobde
would lift the Court out of this abyss and at least restore its independence
from the executive.
·
But, the nearly18 months of his tenure has
exposed a deep malaise in every aspect of dispensation of justice;
o
From the administration of the Court;
o
In the allocation of cases and benches;
o
To presiding over matters related to the
protection of civil liberties,
o
Securing the rights and the livelihood of the
poor and marginalised;
o
In ensuring that the unconstitutional actions
and policies of the executive are kept in check.
Momentous months
·
His tenure began in November 2019 with many
important cases before him.
·
There were over 100 petitions challenging the
dilution of Article 370 and the reorganisation of the State of Jammu and
Kashmir (J&K) into Union Territories.
o
The cases challenging the cataclysmic changes
to the status of J&K remained unheard during his entire tenure as did the
cases challenging the CAA.
·
Soon after he assumed office, the Citizenship
(Amendment) Act was passed, which led to another spate of petitions challenging
its constitutionality.
·
The main challenge to the electoral bonds and
other changes to electoral funding, which have a fundamental bearing on our
democracy, remained unheard.
o
Applications for the stay of bonds being
issued before every election, were never listed for hearing, and were
eventually dismissed on the ground that the bonds had been around for several
years; therefore, there was no need to stay them.
·
Similarly, the main petition regarding the
status of the Rohingya refugees and the protection to be accorded to them,
remained unheard.
o
An application to prevent their detention and
deportation, was disposed of by Chief Justice Bobde, in complete disregard of
constitutional and international law norms, on the basis that their fleeing
genocide in Myanmar did not concern the Court.
·
The Supreme Court, under his stewardship,
remained shut for physical hearing much of the time, resulting in fewer than
25% cases being heard in a Court, already reeling under a backlog and pendency
of cases.
Migrant labour exodus
·
During the nationwide lockdown last year, the
country witnessed unprecedented suffering by migrant labour;
o
There was a mass exodus of them from the big
cities, and they suffered a huge loss of livelihood and income.
o
Without any public transport, they were
forced to walk hundreds of miles to reach their villages.
o
Their case for relief in terms of food, wages
and transport was initially heard by the CJI’s Bench.
o
The CJI remarked infamously during one of the
hearings, “If they are being provided meals, then why do they need money?”
o
It would be no exaggeration to say that the
Court’s inhumanity and apathy towards the distress of the poor and marginalised
reached its nadir during this time.
·
Far from being a custodian of citizens’
rights, CJI Bobde, while hearing the Kerala journalist Siddique Kappan’s habeas
corpus petition (arrested while covering the infamous Hathras rape and murder
case in Uttar Pradesh), noted that the Court had been discouraging people from
approaching it under Article 32, Mr. Kappan’s petition remained pending with
repeated adjournments.
·
In the farmers’ protest case, the CJI
appointed a committee of people, whose political neutrality was suspect, to
examine the issues and commence negotiations with the farmers.
o
These committee members had publicly
supported the farm laws in the past.
Administrative role
·
Apart from his role as the master of the roster,
the CJI also plays a pivotal role in judicial appointments.
o
Unfortunately, here too, he failed to carry
the collegium with him, leading to no appointments to the Supreme Court during
his tenure, and very few appointments even to the High Courts.
o
He did not even order the government to issue
notifications for the appointment of judges where the collegium had unanimously
reiterated its recommendations, despite the government procrastinating over
them for long.
o
The law laid down by the Court says that these
are binding on the government.
·
The Chief Justice of India also plays a
critical role in dealing with complaints against judges.
o
During his tenure, the CJI received a serious
complaint made by a Chief Minister of a State against one of the Court judges,
with considerable documentary evidence of questionable land purchases.
o
For over six months, the people in the
country were not informed how the complaint had been dealt with, and whether
any in-house committee (as per the law) has been appointed to, who the members
of the committee were, and what their report was.
·
The same lack of transparency was visible in
another case, where he was chairman of a committee examining allegations of
harassment made by a woman staffer of the Court against his predecessor.
o
His report, purporting to give a clean chit
to his predecessor, was never allowed to see the light of day and not even
provided to the complainant.
Green cause
·
The only positive intervention by CJI Bobde
was his order in the West Bengal trees case, where he appointed an expert
committee to examine the value of trees which are to be felled for any public
project.
·
In all other issues, the CJI has only caused
disappointment with his silence, letting the executive have its way and even
making strong remarks on sensitive issues and subjects.
·
He has kept important matters pending, and
has hardly intervened to provide any relief to the most marginalised or the
weak in India.
·
As we bid farewell to Chief Justice of India
Bobde, the Supreme Court must examine what has happened to what had once been
called the most powerful court in the world and a beacon for many other courts
across the world.
·
As the Supreme Court turns the page on his
tenure, let us hope that in the coming years, it can rebuild its legacy by
asserting its judicial independence from the government and once again
reclaiming its constitutional role as a citadel that establishes India’s
constitutional values, guards its democracy, and protects human rights and
dignity.
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